Plutarch's Lives, trans by A. H. Clough
by Plutarch
Hypertext Meanings and Commentaries
from the Encyclopedia of the Self
by Mark Zimmerman
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Abundant wealth and in that wealth no pride;

he was ashamed any one should think that he spent more upon his person
than the meanest Theban. Epaminondas made his familiar and hereditary
poverty more light and easy, by his philosophy and single life; but
Pelopidas married a woman of good family, and had children; yet still
thinking little of his private interests, and devoting all his time to
the public, he ruined his estate: and, when his friends admonished and
told him how necessary that money which he neglected was; "Yes," he
replied, "necessary to Nicodemus," pointing to a blind cripple.

Both seemed equally fitted by nature for all sorts of excellence; but
bodily exercises chiefly delighted Pelopidas, learning Epaminondas; and
the one spent his spare hours in hunting, and the Palaestra, the other in
hearing lectures or philosophizing. And, amongst a thousand points for
praise in both, the judicious esteem nothing equal to that constant
benevolence and friendship, which they inviolably preserved in all their
expeditions, public actions, and administration of the commonwealth. For
if any one looks on the administrations of Aristides and Themistocles, of
Cimon and Pericles, of Nicias and Alcibiades, what confusion, what envy,
what mutual jealousy appears? And if he then casts his eye on the
kindness and reverence that Pelopidas showed Epaminondas, he must needs
confess, that these are more truly and more justly styled colleagues in
government and command than the others, who strove rather to overcome one
another, than their enemies The true cause of this was their virtue;
whence it came that they did not make their actions aim at wealth and
glory, an endeavor sure to lead to bitter and contentious jealousy; but
both from the beginning being inflamed with a divine desire of seeing
their country glorious by their exertions, they used to that end one
another's excellences as their own. Many, indeed, think this strict and
entire affection is to be dated from the battle at Mantinea, where they
both fought, being part of the succors that were sent from Thebes to the
Lacedaemonians, their then friends and allies. For, being placed
together amongst the infantry, and engaging the Arcadians, when the
Lacedaemonian wing, in which they fought, gave ground, and many fled,
they closed their shields together and resisted the assailants.
Pelopidas, having received seven wounds in the forepart of his body, fell
upon a heap of slain friends and enemies; but Epaminondas, though he
thought him past recovery, advanced to defend his arms and body, and
singly fought a multitude, resolving rather to die than forsake his
helpless Pelopidas. And now, he being much distressed, being wounded in
the breast by a spear, and in the arm by a sword, Agesipolis, the king of
the Spartans, came to his succor from the other wing, and beyond hope
delivered both.

After this the Lacedaemonians pretended to be friends to Thebes, but in
truth looked with jealous suspicions on the designs and power of the
city, and chiefly hated the party of Ismenias and Androclides, in which
Pelopidas also was an associate, as tending to liberty, and the
advancement of the commonalty. Therefore Archias, Leontidas, and Philip,
all rich men, and of oligarchical principles, and immoderately ambitious,
urged Phoebidas the Spartan, as he was on his way past the city with a
considerable force, to surprise the Cadmea, and, banishing the contrary
faction, to establish an oligarchy, and by that means subject the city to
the supremacy of the Spartans. He, accepting the proposal, at the
festival of Ceres unexpectedly fell on the Thebans, and made himself
master of the citadel. Ismenias was taken, carried to Sparta, and in a
short time murdered; but Pelopidas, Pherenicus, Androclides, and many
more that fled were publicly proclaimed outlaws. Epaminondas stayed at
home, being not much looked after, as one whom philosophy had made
inactive, and poverty incapable.

The Lacedaemonians cashiered Phoebidas, and fined him one hundred
thousand drachmas, yet still kept a garrison in the Cadmea; which made
all Greece wonder at their inconsistency, since they punished the doer,
but approved the deed. And though the Thebans, having lost their polity,
and being enslaved by Archias and Leontidas, had no hopes to get free
from this tyranny, which they saw guarded by the whole military power of
the Spartans, and had no means to break the yoke, unless these could be
deposed from their command of sea and land; yet Leontidas and his
associates, understanding that the exiles lived at Athens in favor with
the people, and with honor from all the good and virtuous, formed secret
designs against their lives, and, suborning some unknown fellows,
dispatched Androclides, but were not successful on the rest. Letters,
besides, were sent from Sparta to the Athenians, warning them neither to
receive nor countenance the exiles, but expel them as declared common
enemies of the confederacy. But the Athenians, from their natural
hereditary inclination to be kind, and also to make a grateful return to
the Thebans, who had very much assisted them in restoring their
democracy, and had publicly enacted, that if any Athenian would march
armed through Boeotia against the tyrants, that no Boeotian should either
see or hear it, did the Thebans no harm.

Pelopidas, though one of the youngest, was active in privately exciting
each single exile; and often told them at their meetings, that it was
both dishonorable and impious to neglect their enslaved and engarrisoned
country, and, lazily contented with their own lives and safety, depend on
the decrees of the Athenians, and through fear fawn on every
smooth-tongued orator that was able to work upon the people: now they
must venture for this great prize, taking Thrasybulus' bold courage for
example, and as he advanced from Thebes and broke the power of the
Athenian tyrants, so they should march from Athens and free Thebes. When
by this method he had persuaded them, they privately dispatched some
persons to those friends they had left at Thebes, and acquainted them
with their designs. Their plans being approved, Charon, a man of the
greatest distinction, offered his house for their reception; Phillidas
contrived to get himself made secretary to Archias and Philip, who then
held the office of polemarch or chief captain; and Epaminondas had
already inflamed the youth. For, in their exercises, he had encouraged
them to challenge and wrestle with the Spartans, and again, when he saw
them puffed up with victory and success, sharply told them, it was the
greater shame to be such cowards as to serve those whom in strength they
so much excelled.

The day for action being fixed, it was agreed upon by the exiles, that
Pherenicus with the rest should stay in the Thriasian plain, while some
few of the younger men tried the first danger, by endeavoring to get into
the city; and, if they were surprised by their enemies, the others should
take care to provide for their children and parents. Pelopidas first
offered to undertake the business; then Melon, Damoclides, and
Theopompus, men of noble families, who, in other things loving and
faithful to one another, were constant rivals only in glory and
courageous exploits. They were twelve in all, and having taken leave of
those that stayed behind, and sent a messenger to Charon, they went
forward, clad in short coats, and carrying hounds and hunting poles with
them, that they might be taken for hunters beating over the fields, and
prevent all suspicion in those that met them on the way. When the
messenger came to Charon, and told him they were approaching, he did not
change his resolution at the sight of danger, but, being a man of his
word, offered them his house. But one Hipposthenidas, a man of no ill
principles, a lover of his country, and a friend to the exiles, but not
of as much resolution as the shortness of time and the character of the
action required, being as it were dizzied at the greatness of the
approaching enterprise; and beginning now for the first time to
comprehend that, relying on that weak assistance which could be expected
from the exiles, they were undertaking no less a task than to shake the
government, and overthrow the whole power of Sparta; went privately to
his house, and sent a friend to Melon and Pelopidas, desiring them to
forbear for the present, to return to Athens and expect a better
opportunity. The messenger's name was Chlidon, who, going home in haste
and bringing out his horse, asked for the bridle; but, his wife not
knowing where it was, and, when it could not be found, telling him she
had lent it to a friend, first they began to chide, then to curse one
another, and his wife wished the journey might prove ill to him, and
those that sent him; insomuch that Chlidon's passion made him waste a
great part of the day in this quarreling, and then, looking on this
chance as an omen, he laid aside all thoughts of his journey, and went
away to some other business. So nearly had these great and glorious
designs, even in their very birth, lost their opportunity.

But Pelopidas and his companions, dressing themselves like countrymen,
divided, and, whilst it was yet day, entered at different quarters of the
city. It was, besides, a windy day, and it now just began to snow, which
contributed much to their concealment, because most people were gone in
doors to avoid the weather. Those, however, that were concerned in the
design, received them as they came, and conducted them to Charon's house,
where the exiles and the others made up forty-eight in number. The
tyrants' affairs stood thus: the secretary, Phillidas, as I have already
observed, was an accomplice in, and privy to all the contrivance of the
exiles, and he a while before had invited Archias, with others, to an
entertainment on that day, to drink freely, and meet some women of the
town, on purpose that when they were drunk, and given up to their
pleasures, he might deliver them over to the conspirators. But before
Archias was thoroughly heated, notice was given him that the exiles were
privately in the town; a true report indeed, but obscure, and not well
confirmed: nevertheless, though Phillidas endeavored to divert the
discourse, Archias sent one of his guard to Charon, and commanded him to
attend immediately. It was evening, and Pelopidas and his friends with
him in the house, were putting themselves into a fit posture for action,
having their breastplates on already, and their swords girt: but at the
sudden knocking at the door, one stepping forth to inquire the matter,
and learning from the officer that Charon was sent for by the polemarchs,
returned in great confusion and acquainted those within; and all
immediately conjectured that the whole plot was discovered, and they
should be cut in pieces, before so much as achieving any action to do
credit to their bravery; yet all agreed that Charon should obey, and
attend the polemarchs, to prevent suspicion. Charon was, indeed, a man
of courage and resolution in all dangers, yet in this case he was
extremely concerned, lest any should suspect that he was the traitor, and
the death of so many brave citizens be laid on him. And, therefore, when
he was ready to depart, he brought his son out of the women's
apartment, a little boy as yet, but one of the best looking and strongest
of all those of his age, and delivered him to Pelopidas with these words:
"If you find me a traitor, treat this boy as an enemy without any mercy."
The concern which Charon showed, drew tears from many; but all protested
vehemently against his supposing any one of them so mean-spirited and
base, at the appearance of approaching danger, as to suspect or blame
him; and therefore, desired him not to involve his son, but to set him
out of harm's way; that so he, perhaps, escaping the tyrant's power,
might live to revenge the city and his friends. Charon, however, refused
to remove him, and asked, "What life, what safety could be more
honorable, than to die bravely with his father, and such generous
companions?"  Thus, imploring the protection of the gods, and saluting
and encouraging them all, he departed, considering with himself, and
composing his voice and countenance, that he might look as little like as
possible to what in fact he really was.

When he was come to the door, Archias with Phillidas came out to him, and
said, "I have heard, Charon, that there are some men just come, and
lurking in the town, and that some of the citizens are resorting to
them."  Charon was at first disturbed, but asking, "Who are they? and who
conceals them?" and finding Archias did not thoroughly understand the
matter, he concluded that none of those privy to the design had given
this information, and replied, "Do not disturb yourselves for an empty
rumor: I will look into it, however, for no report in such a case is to
be neglected."  Phillidas, who stood by, commended him, and leading back
Archias, got him deep in drink, still prolonging the entertainment with
the hopes of the women's company at last. But when Charon returned, and
found the men prepared, not as if they hoped for safety and success, but
to die bravely and with the slaughter of their enemies, he told Pelopidas
and his friends the truth, but pretended to others in the house that
Archias talked to him about something else, inventing a story for the
occasion. This storm was just blowing over, when fortune brought
another; for a messenger came with a letter from one Archias, the
Hierophant at Athens, to his namesake Archias, who was his friend and
guest. This did not merely contain a vague conjectural suspicion, but,
as appeared afterwards, disclosed every particular of the design. The
messenger being brought in to Archias, who was now pretty well drunk, and
delivering the letter, said to him, "The writer of this desired it might
be read at once; it is on urgent business."  Archias, with a smile,
replied, "Urgent business tomorrow," and so receiving the letter, he put
it under his pillow, and returned to what he had been speaking of with
Phillidas; and these words of his are a proverb to this day amongst the
Greeks.

Now when the opportunity seemed convenient for action, they set out in
two companies; Pelopidas and Damoclides with their party went against
Leontidas and Hypates, that lived near together; Charon and Melon against
Archias and Philip, having put on women's apparel over their
breastplates, and thick garlands of fir and pine to shade their faces;
and so, as soon as they came to the door, the guests clapped and gave a
huzza, supposing them to be the women they expected. But when the
conspirators had looked about the room, and carefully marked all that
were at the entertainment, they drew their swords, and making at Archias
and Philip amongst the tables, disclosed who they were. Phillidas
persuaded some few of his guests to sit still, and those that got up and
endeavored to assist the polemarchs, being drunk were easily dispatched.
But Pelopidas and his party met with a harder task; as they attempted
Leontidas, a sober and formidable man, and when they came to his house
found his doors shut, he being already gone to bed. They knocked a long
time before any one would answer, but, at last, a servant that heard
them, coming out and unbarring the door, as soon as the gate gave way,
they rushed in, and, overturning the man, made all haste to Leontidas's
chamber. But Leontidas, guessing at the matter by the noise and running,
leaped from his bed and drew his dagger, but forgot to put out the
lights, and by that means make them fall foul on one another in the dark.
As it was, being easily seen by reason of the light, he received them at
his chamber door, and stabbed Cephisodorus, the first man that entered:
on his falling, the next that he engaged was Pelopidas; and the passage
being narrow and Cephisodorus's body lying in the way, there was a fierce
and dangerous conflict. At last Pelopidas prevailed, and having killed
Leontidas, he and his companions went in pursuit of Hypates, and after
the same manner broke into his house. He perceived the design, and fled
to his neighbors; but they closely followed, and caught and killed him.

This done they joined Melon, and sent to hasten the exiles they had left
in Attica: and called upon the citizens to maintain their liberty, and
taking down the spoils from the porches, and breaking open all the
armorers' shops that were near, equipped those that came to their
assistance. Epaminondas and Gorgidas came in already armed, with a
gallant train of young men, and the best of the old. Now the city was in
a great excitement and confusion, a great noise and hurry, lights set up
in every house, men running here and there; however, the people did not
as yet gather into a body, but, amazed at the proceedings, and not
clearly understanding the matter waited for the day. And, therefore, the
Spartan officers were thought to have been in fault for not falling on at
once, since their garrison consisted of about fifteen hundred men, and
many of the citizens ran to them; but, alarmed with the noise, the fires,
and the confused running of the people, they kept quietly within the
Cadmea. As soon as day appeared, the exiles from Attica came in armed,
and there was a general assembly of the people. Epaminondas and Gorgidas
brought forth Pelopidas and his party, encompassed by the priests, who
held out garlands, and exhorted the people to fight for their country and
their gods. The assembly, at their appearance, rose up in a body, and
with shouts and acclamations received the men as their deliverers and
benefactors.

Then Pelopidas, being chosen chief captain of Boeotia, together with
Melon and Charon, proceeded at once to blockade the citadel, and stormed
it on all sides, being extremely desirous to expel the Lacedaemonians,
and free the Cadmea, before an army could come from Sparta to their
relief. And he just so narrowly succeeded, that they, having surrendered
on terms and departed, on their way home met Cleombrotus at Megara
marching towards Thebes with a considerable force. The Spartans
condemned and executed Herippidas and Arcissus, two of their governors@
at Thebes, and Lysanoridas the third being severely fined, fled
Peloponnesus. This action so closely resembling that of Thrasybulus, in
the courage of the actors, the danger, the encounters, and equally
crowned with success, was called the sister of it by the Greeks. For we
can scarcely find any other examples where so small and weak a party of
men by bold courage overcame such numerous and powerful enemies, or
brought greater blessings to their country by so doing. But the
subsequent change of affairs made this action the more famous; for the
war which forever ruined the pretensions of Sparta to command, and put an
end to the supremacy she then exercised alike by sea and by land,
proceeded from that night, in which Pelopidas not surprising any fort, or
castle, or citadel, but coming, the twelfth man, to a private house,
loosed and broke, if we may speak truth in metaphor, the chains of the
Spartan sway, which before seemed of adamant and indissoluble.

But now the Lacedaemonians invading Boeotia with a great army, the
Athenians, affrighted at the danger, declared themselves no allies to
Thebes, and prosecuting those that stood for the Boeotian interest,
executed some, and banished and fined others: and the cause of Thebes,
destitute of allies, seemed in a desperate condition. But Pelopidas and
Gorgidas, holding the office of captains of Boeotia, designing to breed a
quarrel between the Lacedaemonians and Athenians, made this contrivance.
One Sphodrias, a Spartan, a man famous indeed for courage in battle, but
of no sound judgment, full of ungrounded hopes and foolish ambition, was
left with an army at Thespiae, to receive and succor the Theban
renegades. To him Pelopidas and his colleagues privately sent a
merchant, one of their friends, with money, and, what proved more
efficient, advice, -- that it more became a man of his worth to set upon
some great enterprise, and that he should, making a sudden incursion on
the unprotected Athenians, surprise the Piraeus; since nothing could be
so grateful to Sparta, as to take Athens; and the Thebans, of course,
would not stir to the assistance of men whom they now hated and looked
upon as traitors. Sphodrias, being at last wrought upon, marched into
Attica by night with his army, and advanced as far as Eleusis; but there
his soldiers' hearts failing, after exposing his project and involving
the Spartans in a dangerous war, he retreated to Thespiae. After this,
the Athenians zealously sent supplies to Thebes, and putting to sea,
sailed to many places, and offered support and protection to all those of
the Greeks who were willing to revolt.

The Thebans, meantime, singly, having many skirmishes with the Spartans
in Boeotia, and fighting some battles, not great indeed, but important as
training and instructing them, thus had their minds raised, and their
bodies inured to labor, and gained both experience and courage by these
frequent encounters; insomuch that we have it related that Antalcidas,
the Spartan, said to Agesilaus, returning wounded from Boeotia, "Indeed,
the Thebans have paid you handsomely for instructing them in the art of
war, against their wills."  In real truth, however, Agesilaus was not
their master in this, but those that prudently and opportunely, as men do
young dogs, set them on their enemies, and brought them safely off after
they had tasted the sweets of victory and resolution. Of all those
leaders, Pelopidas deserves the most honor: as after they had once
chosen him general, he was every year in command as long as he lived;
either captain of the sacred band, or, what was most frequent, chief
captain  of Boeotia. About Plataea and Thespiae the Spartans were
routed and put to flight, and Phoebidas, that surprised the Cadmea,
slain; and at Tanagra a considerable force was worsted, and the leader
Panthoides killed. But these encounters, though they raised the victor's
spirits, did not thoroughly dishearten the unsuccessful; for there was no
set battle, or regular fighting, but mere incursions on advantage, in
which, according to occasion, they charged, retired again, or pursued.
But the battle at Tegyrae, which seemed a prelude to Leuctra, won
Pelopidas a great reputation; for none of the other commanders could
claim any hand in the design, nor the enemies any show of victory. The
city of the Orchomenians siding with the Spartans, and having received
two companies for its guard, he kept a constant eye upon it, and
watched his opportunity. Hearing that the garrison had moved into
Locris, and hoping to find Orchomenus defenseless, he marched with his
sacred band, and some few horsemen. But when he approached the city, and
found that a reinforcement of the garrison was on its march from Sparta,
he made a circuit round the foot of the mountains, and retreated with his
little army through Tegyrae, that being the only way he could pass. For
the river Melas, almost as soon as it rises, spreads itself into marshes
and navigable pools, and makes all the plain between impassable. A
little below the marshes stands the temple and oracle of Apollo
Tegyraeus, forsaken not long before that time, having flourished till the
Median wars, Echecrates then being priest. Here they profess that the god
was born; the neighboring mountain is called Delos, and there the river
Melas comes again into a channel; behind the temple rise two springs,
admirable for the sweetness, abundance, and coolness of the streams; one
they call Phoenix, the other Elaea, even to the present time, as if
Lucina had not been delivered between two trees, but fountains. A place
hard by, called Ptoum, is shown, where they say she was affrighted by the
appearance of a boar; and the stories of the Python and Tityus are in
like manner appropriated by these localities. I omit many of the points
that are used as arguments. For our tradition does not rank this god
amongst those that were born, and then made immortal, as Hercules and
Bacchus, whom their virtue raised above a mortal and passable condition;
but Apollo is one of the eternal unbegotten deities, if we may collect
any certainty concerning these things, from the statements of the oldest
and wisest in such subjects.

As Thebans were retreating from Orchomenus towards Tegyrae, the
Spartans, at the same time marching from Locris, met them. As soon as
they came in view, advancing through the straits, one told Pelopidas, "We
are fallen into our enemy's hands;" he replied, "And why not they into
ours?" and immediately commanded his horse to come up from the rear and
charge, while he himself drew his infantry, being three hundred in
number, into a close body, hoping by that means, at whatsoever point he
made the attack, to break his way through his more numerous enemies. The
Spartans had two companies, (the company consisting, as Ephorus states,
of five hundred; Callisthenes says seven hundred; others, as Polybius,
nine hundred) and their leaders, Gorgoleon and Theopompus, confident of
success, advanced upon the Thebans. The charge being made with much
fury, chiefly where the commanders were posted, the Spartan captains that
engaged Pelopidas were first killed; and those immediately around them
suffering severely, the whole army was thus disheartened, and opened a
lane for the Thebans, as if they desired to pass through and escape. But
when Pelopidas entered, and turning against those that stood their
ground, still went on with a bloody slaughter, an open fight ensued
amongst the Spartans. The pursuit was carried but a little way, because
they feared the neighboring Orchomenians, and the reinforcement from
Lacedaemon; they had succeeded, however, in fighting a way through their
enemies, and overpowering their whole force; and, therefore, erecting a
trophy, and spoiling the slain, they returned home extremely encouraged
with their achievements. For in all the great wars there had ever been
against Greeks or barbarians, the Spartans were never before beaten by a
smaller company than their own; nor, indeed, in a set battle, when their
number was equal. Hence their courage was thought irresistible, and
their high repute before the battle made a conquest already of enemies,
who thought themselves no match for the men of Sparta even on equal
terms. But this battle first taught the other Greeks, that not only
Eurotas, or the country between Babyce and Cnacion, breeds men of courage
and resolution; but that where the youth are ashamed of baseness, and
ready to venture in a good cause, where they fly disgrace more than
danger, there, wherever it be, are found the bravest and most formidable
opponents.

Gorgidas, according to some, first formed the Sacred Band of three
hundred chosen men, to whom, as being a guard for the citadel, the State
allowed provision, and all things necessary for exercise: and hence they
were called the city band, as citadels of old were usually called cities.
Others say that it was composed of young men attached to each other by
personal affection, and a pleasant saying of Pammenes is current, that
Homer's Nestor was not well skilled in ordering an army, when he advised
the Greeks to rank tribe and tribe, and family and family together, that

So tribe might tribe, and kinsmen kinsmen aid,

but that he should have joined lovers and their beloved. For men of the
same tribe or family little value one another when dangers press; but a
band cemented by friendship grounded upon love, is never to be broken,
and invincible; since the lovers, ashamed to be base in sight of their
beloved, and the beloved before their lovers, willingly rush into danger
for the relief of one another. Nor can that be wondered at; since they
have more regard for their absent lovers than for others present; as in
the instance of the man, who, when his enemy was going to kill him,
earnestly requested him to run him through the breast, that his lover
might not blush to see him wounded in the back. It is a tradition
likewise, that Iolaus, who assisted Hercules in his labors and fought at
his side, was beloved of him; and Aristotle observes, that even in his
time, lovers plighted their faith at Iolaus's tomb. It is likely,
therefore, that this band was called sacred on this account; as Plato
calls a lover a divine friend. It is stated that it was never beaten
till the battle at Chaeronea: and when Philip, after the fight, took a
view of the slain, and came to the place where the three hundred that
fought his phalanx lay dead together, he wondered, and understanding that
it was the band of lovers, he shed tears and said, "Perish any man who
suspects that these men either did or suffered anything that was base."

It was not the disaster of Laius, as the poets imagine, that first gave
rise to this form of attachment amongst the Thebans, but their
law-givers, designing to soften, whilst they were young, their natural
fierceness, brought, for example, the pipe into great esteem, both in
serious and sportive occasions, and gave great encouragement to these
friendships in the Palaestra, to temper the manners and characters of the
youth. With a view to this they did well, again, to make Harmony, the
daughter of Mars and Venus, their tutelar deity; since, where force and
courage is joined with gracefulness and winning behavior a harmony ensues
that combines all the elements of society in perfect consonance and
order. -- Gorgidas distributed this Sacred Band all through the front
ranks of the infantry and thus made their gallantry less conspicuous; not
being united in one body, but mingled with so many others of inferior
resolution, they had no fair opportunity of showing what they could do.
But Pelopidas, having sufficiently tried their bravery at Tegyrae, where
they had fought alone, and around his own person, never afterward
divided them, but keeping them entire, and as one man, gave them the
first duty in the greatest battles. For as horses run brisker in a
chariot than singly, not that their joint force divides the air with
greater ease, but because being matched one against the other, emulation
kindles and inflames their courage; thus he thought, brave men, provoking
one another to noble actions, would prove most serviceable and most
resolute, where all were united together.

Now when the Lacedaemonians had made peace with the other Greeks, and
united all their strength against the Thebans only, and their king,
Cleombrotus, had passed the frontier with ten thousand foot and one
thousand horse, and not only subjection, as heretofore, but total
dispersion and annihilation threatened, and Boeotia was in a greater fear
than ever, -- Pelopidas, leaving his house, when his wife followed him on
his way, and with tears begged him to be careful of his life, made
answer, "Private men, my wife, should be advised to look to themselves,
generals to save others."  And when he came to the camp, and found the
chief captains disagreeing, he, first, joined the side of Epaminondas,
who advised to fight the enemy; though Pelopidas himself was not then in
office as chief captain of Boeotia, but in command of the Sacred Band,
and trusted as it was fit a man should be, who had given his country such
proofs of his zeal for its freedom. And so, when a battle was agreed on,
and they encamped in front of the Spartans at Leuctra, Pelopidas saw a
vision, which much discomposed him. In that plain lie the bodies of the
daughters of one Scedasus, called from the place Leuctridae, having been
buried there, after having been ravished by some Spartan strangers. When
this base and lawless deed was done, and their father could get no
satisfaction at Lacedaemon, with bitter imprecations on the Spartans, he
killed himself at his daughters' tombs: and, from that time, the
prophecies and oracles still warned them to have a great care of the
divine vengeance at Leuctra. Many, however, did not understand the
meaning, being uncertain about the place, because there was a little
maritime town of Laconia called Leuctron, and near Megalopolis in Arcadia
a place of the same name; and the villainy was committed long before this
battle.

Now Pelopidas, being asleep in the camp, thought he saw the maidens
weeping about their tombs, and cursing the Spartans, and Scedasus
commanding, if they desired the victory, to sacrifice a virgin with
chestnut hair to his daughters. Pelopidas looked on this as an harsh and
impious injunction, but rose and told it to the prophets and commanders
of the army, some of whom contended, that it was fit to obey, and adduced
as examples from the ancients, Menoeceus, son of Creon; Macaria, daughter
of Hercules; and from later times, Pherecydes the philosopher, slain by
the Lacedaemonians, and his skin, as the oracles advised, still kept by
their kings. Leonidas, again, warned by the oracle, did as it were
sacrifice himself for the good of Greece; Themistocles offered human
victims to Bacchus Omestes, before the engagement at Salamis; and success
showed their actions to be good. On the contrary, Agesilaus going from
the same place, and against the same enemies that Agamemnon did, and,
being commanded in a dream at Aulis to sacrifice his daughter, was so
weak as to disobey; the consequence of which was, that his expedition was
unsuccessful and inglorious. But some on the other side urged, that such
a barbarous and impious oblation could not be pleasing to any Superior
Beings: that typhons and giants did not preside over the world, but the
general father of gods and men; that it was absurd to imagine any
divinities or powers delighted in slaughter and sacrifices of men; or, if
there were an, such, they were to be neglected, as weak and unable to
assist; such unreasonable and cruel desires could only proceed from, and
live in weak and depraved minds.

The commanders thus disputing, and Pelopidas being in a great perplexity,
a mare colt, breaking from the herd, ran through the camp, and when she
came to the place where they were, stood still; and whilst some admired
her bright chestnut color, others her mettle, or the strength and fury of
her neighing, Theocritus, the augur, took thought, and cried out to
Pelopidas, "O good friend! look, the sacrifice is come; expect no other
virgin, but use that which the gods have sent thee."  With that they took
the colt, and, leading her to the maidens' sepulchres, with the usual
solemnity and prayers, offered her with joy, and spread through the whole
army the account of Pelopidas's dream, and how they had given the
required sacrifice.

In the battle, Epaminondas, bending his phalanx to the left, that, as
much as possible, he might divide the right wing, composed of Spartans,
from the other Greeks, and distress Cleombrotus, by a fierce charge in
column on that wing, the enemies perceived the design, and began to
change their order, to open and extend their right wing, and, as they far
exceeded him in number, to encompass Epaminondas. But Pelopidas with the
three hundred came rapidly up, before Cleombrotus could extend his line,
and close up his divisions, and so fell upon the Spartans while in
disorder; though the Lacedaemonians, the expertest and most practiced
soldiers of all mankind, used to train and accustom themselves to nothing
so much as to keep themselves from confusion upon any change of position,
and to follow any leader, or right hand man, and form in order, and fight
on what part soever dangers press. In this battle, however, Epaminondas
with his phalanx, neglecting the other Greeks, and charging them alone,
and Pelopidas coming up with such incredible speed and fury, so broke
their courage, and baffled their art, that there began such a flight and
slaughter amongst the Spartans, as was never before known. And so
Pelopidas, though in no high office, but only captain of a small band,
got as much reputation by the victory, as Epaminondas, who was general
and chief captain of Boeotia.

Into Peloponnesus, however, they both advanced together as colleagues in
supreme command, and gained the greater part of the nations there from
the Spartan confederacy; Elis, Argo, all Arcadia, and much of Laconia
itself. It was the dead of winter, and but few of the last days of the
month remained, and, in the beginning of the next, new officers were to
succeed, and whoever failed to deliver up his charge, forfeited his head.
Therefore, the other chief captains fearing the law, and to avoid the
sharpness of the winter, advised a retreat. But Pelopidas joined with
Epaminondas, and, encouraging his countrymen, led them against Sparta,
and, passing the Eurotas, took many of the towns, and wasted the country
as far as the sea. This army consisted of seventy thousand Greeks, of
which number the Thebans could not make the twelfth part; but the
reputation of the men made all their allies contented to follow them as
leaders, though no articles to that effect had been made. For, indeed,
it seems the first and paramount law, that he that wants a defender, is
naturally a subject to him that is able to defend: as mariners, though
in a calm or in the port they grow insolent, and brave the pilot, yet
when a storm comes, and danger is at hand, they all attend, and put their
hopes in him. So the Argives, Eleans, and Arcadians, in their
congresses, would contend with the Thebans for superiority in command,
yet in a battle, or any hazardous undertaking, of their own will followed
their Theban captains. In this expedition, they united all Arcadia into
one body, and, expelling the Spartans that inhabited Messenia, they
called back the old Messenians, and established them in Ithome in one
body; -- and, returning through Cenchreae, they dispersed the Athenians, who
designed to set upon them in the straits, and hinder their march.

For these exploits, all the other Greeks loved their courage, and admired
their success; but among their own citizens, envy, still increasing with
their glory, prepared them no pleasing nor agreeable reception. Both
were tried for their lives, because they did not deliver up their command
in the first month, Bucatius, as the law required, but kept it four
months longer, in which time they did these memorable actions in
Messenia, Arcadia, and Laconia. Pelopidas was first tried, and therefore
in greatest danger, but both were acquitted. Epaminondas bore the
accusation and trial very patiently, esteeming it a great and essential
part of courage and generosity, not to resent injuries in political life.
But Pelopidas, being a man of a fiercer temper, and stirred on by his
friends to revenge the affront, took the following occasion. Meneclidas,
the orator, was one of those that had met with Melon and Pelopidas at
Charon's house; but not receiving equal honor, and being powerful in his
speech, but loose in his manners, and ill-natured, he abused his natural
endowments, even after this trial, to accuse and calumniate his betters.
He excluded Epaminondas from the chief captaincy, and for a long time
kept the upper hand of him; but he was not powerful enough to bring
Pelopidas out of the people's favor, and therefore endeavored to raise a
quarrel between him and Charon. And since it is some comfort to the
envious, to make those men, whom themselves cannot excel, appear worse
than others, he studiously enlarged upon Charon's actions in his speeches
to the people, and made panegyrics on his expeditions and victories; and,
of the victory which the horsemen won at Plataea, before the battle at
Leuctra, under Charon's command, he endeavored to make the following
sacred memorial. Androcydes, the Cyzicenian, had undertaken to paint a
previous battle for the city, and was at work in Thebes; and when the
revolt began, and the war came on, the Thebans kept the picture that was
then almost finished. This picture Meneclidas persuaded them to
dedicate, inscribed with Charon's name, designing by that means to
obscure the glory of Epaminondas and Pelopidas. This was a ludicrous
piece of pretension; to set a single victory, where only one Gerandas, an
obscure Spartan, and forty more were slain, above such numerous and
important battles. This motion Pelopidas opposed, as contrary to law,
alleging that it was not the custom of the Thebans to honor any single
man, but to attribute the victory to their country; yet in all the
contest, he extremely commended Charon, and confined himself to showing
Meneclidas to be a troublesome and envious fellow, asking the Thebans, if
they had done nothing that was excellent, .... insomuch that
Meneclidas was severely fined; and he, being unable to pay, endeavored
afterwards to disturb the government. These things give us some light
into Pelopidas's life.

Now when Alexander, the tyrant of Pherae, made open war against some of
the Thessalians, and had designs against all, the cities sent an embassy
to Thebes, to desire succors and a general; and Pelopidas, knowing that
Epaminondas was detained by the Peloponnesian affairs, offered himself to
lead the Thessalians, being unwilling to let his courage and skill lie
idle, and thinking it unfit that Epaminondas should be withdrawn from his
present duties. When he came into Thessaly with his army, he presently
took Larissa, and endeavored to reclaim Alexander, who submitted, and
bring him, from being a tyrant, to govern gently, and according to law;
but finding him untractable and brutish, and hearing great complaints of
his lust and cruelty, Pelopidas began to be severe, and used him roughly,
insomuch that the tyrant stole away privately with his guard. But
Pelopidas, leaving the Thessalians fearless of the tyrant, and friends
amongst themselves, marched into Macedonia, where Ptolemy was then at war
with Alexander, the king of Macedon; both parties having sent for him to
hear and determine their differences, and assist the one that appeared
injured. When he came, he reconciled them, called back the exiles, and,
receiving for hostages Philip the king's brother, and thirty children of
the nobles, he brought them to Thebes; showing the other Greeks how wide
a reputation the Thebans had gained for honesty and courage. This was
that Philip who afterward endeavored to enslave the Greeks: then he was
a boy, and lived with Pammenes in Thebes; and hence some conjecture, that
he took Epaminondas's actions for the rule of his own; and perhaps,
indeed, he did take example from his activity and skill in war, which,
however, was but a small portion of his virtues; of his temperance,
justice, generosity, and mildness, in which he was truly great, Philip
enjoyed no share, either by nature or imitation.

After this, upon a second complaint of the Thessalians against Alexander
of Pherae, as a disturber of the cities, Pelopidas was joined with
Ismenias, in an embassy to him; but led no forces from Thebes, not
expecting any war, and therefore was necessitated to make use of the
Thessalians upon the emergency. At the same time, also, Macedon was in
confusion again, as Ptolemy had murdered the king, and seized the
government: but the king's friends sent for Pelopidas, and he, being
willing to interpose in the matter, but having no soldiers of his own,
enlisted some mercenaries in the country, and with them marched against
Ptolemy. When they faced one another, Ptolemy corrupted these
mercenaries with a sum of money, and persuaded them to revolt to him; but
yet, fearing the very name and reputation of Pelopidas, he came to him as
his superior, submitted, begged his pardon, and protested that he kept
the government only for the brothers of the dead king, and would prove a
friend to the friends, and an enemy to the enemies of Thebes; and, to
confirm this, he gave his son, Philoxenus, and fifty of his companions,
for hostages. These Pelopidas sent to Thebes; but he himself, being
vexed at the treachery of the mercenaries, and understanding that most of
their goods, their wives and children, lay at Pharsalus, so that if he
could take them, the injury would be sufficiently revenged, got together
some of the Thessalians, and marched to Pharsalus. When he had just
entered the city, Alexander, the tyrant, appeared before it with an army;
but Pelopidas and his friends, thinking that he came to clear himself
from those crimes that were laid to his charge, went to him; and though
they knew very well that he was profligate and cruel, yet they imagined
that the authority of Thebes, and their own dignity and reputation, would
secure them from violence. But the tyrant, seeing them come unarmed and
alone, seized them, and made himself master of Pharsalus. Upon this his
subjects were much intimidated, thinking that after so great and so bold
an iniquity, he would spare none, but behave himself toward all, and in
all matters, as one despairing of his life. The Thebans, when they heard
of this, were very much enraged, and dispatched an army, Epaminondas
being then in disgrace, under the command of other leaders. When the
tyrant brought Pelopidas to Pherae, at first he permitted those that
desired it to speak with him, imagining that this disaster would break
his spirit, and make him appear contemptible. But when Pelopidas advised
the complaining Pheraeans to be comforted, as if the tyrant was now
certain in a short time to smart for his injuries, and sent to tell him,
"That it was absurd daily to torment and murder his wretched innocent
subjects, and yet spare him, who, he well knew, if ever he got his
liberty, would be bitterly revenged;" the tyrant, wondering at his
boldness and freedom of speech, replied, "And why is Pelopidas in haste
to die?"  He, hearing of it, rejoined, "That you may be the sooner
ruined, being then more hated by the gods than now."  From that time he
forbade any to converse with him; but Thebe, the daughter of Jason and
wife to Alexander, hearing from the keepers of the bravery and noble
behavior of Pelopidas, had a great desire to see and speak with him. Now
when she came into the prison, and, as a woman, could not at once discern
his greatness in his calamity, only, judging by the meanness of his
attire and general appearance, that he was used basely and not befitting
a man of his reputation, she wept. Pelopidas, at first not knowing who
she was, stood amazed; but when he understood, saluted her by her
father's name -- Jason and he having been friends and familiars -- and
she saying, "I pity your wife, Sir," he replied, "And I you, that though
not in chains, can endure Alexander."  This touched the woman, who
already hated Alexander for his cruelty and injustice, for his general
debaucheries, and for his abuse of her youngest brother. She, therefore,
often went to Pelopidas, and, speaking freely of the indignities she
suffered, grew more enraged, and more exasperated against Alexander.

The Theban generals that were sent into Thessaly did nothing, but, being
either unskillful or unfortunate, made a dishonorable retreat, for which
the city fined each of them ten thousand drachmas, and sent Epaminondas
with their forces. The Thessalians, inspirited by the fame of this
general, at once began to stir, and the tyrant's affairs were at the
verge of destruction; so great was the fear that possessed his captains
and his friends, and so eager the desire of his subjects to revolt, in
hope of his speedy punishment. But Epaminondas, more solicitous for the
safety of Pelopidas than his own glory, and fearing that if things came
to extremity, Alexander would grow desperate, and, like a wild beast,
turn and worry him, did not prosecute the war to the utmost; but,
hovering still over him with his army, he so handled the tyrant as not to
leave him any confidence, and yet not to drive him to despair and fury.
He was aware of his savageness, and the little value he had for right and
justice, insomuch that sometimes he buried men alive, and sometimes
dressed them in bear's and boar's skins, and then baited them with dogs,
or shot at them for his divertisement. At Meliboea and Scotussa, two
cities, his allies, he called all the inhabitants to an assembly, and
then surrounded them and cut them to pieces with his guards. He
consecrated the spear with which he killed his uncle Polyphron, and,
crowning it with garlands, sacrificed to it as a god, and called it
Tychon. And once seeing a tragedian act Euripides's Troades, he left the
theater; but sending for the actor, bade him not to be concerned at his
departure, but act as he had been used to do, as it was not in contempt
of him that he departed, but because he was ashamed that his citizens
should see him, who never pitied any man that he murdered, weep at the
sufferings of Hecuba and Andromache. This tyrant, however, alarmed at
the very name, report, and appearance of an expedition under the conduct
of Epaminondas, presently

Dropped like a craven cock his conquered wing,

and sent an embassy to entreat and offer satisfaction. Epaminondas
refused to admit such a man as an ally to the Thebans, but granted him a
truce of thirty days, and, Pelopidas and Ismenias being delivered up,
returned home.

Now the Thebans, understanding that the Spartans and Athenians had sent
an embassy to the Persians for assistance, themselves, likewise, sent
Pelopidas; an excellent design to increase his glory, no man having ever
before passed through the dominions of the king with greater fame and
reputation. For the glory that he won against the Spartans, did not
creep slowly or obscurely; but, after the fame of the first battle at
Leuctra was gone abroad, the report of new victories continually
following, exceedingly increased, and spread his celebrity far and near.
Whatever satraps or generals or commanders he met, he was the object of
their wonder and discourse; "This is the man," they said, "who hath
beaten the Lacedaemonians from sea and land, and confined that Sparta
within Taygetus and Eurotas, which, but a little before, under the
conduct of Agesilaus, was entering upon a war with the great king about
Susa and Ecbatana."  This pleased Artaxerxes, and he was the more
inclined to show Pelopidas attention and honor, being desirous to seem
reverenced, and attended by the greatest. But when he saw him and heard
his discourse, more solid than the Athenians, and not so haughty as the
Spartans, his regard was heightened, and, truly acting like a king, he
openly showed the respect that he felt for him; and this the other
ambassadors perceived. Of all other Greeks he had been thought to have
done Antalcidas, the Spartan, the greatest honor, by sending him that
garland dipped in an unguent, which he himself had worn at an
entertainment. Indeed, he did not deal so delicately with Pelopidas,
but, according to the custom, gave him the most splendid and considerable
presents, and granted him his desires, that the Grecians should be free,
Messenia inhabited, and the Thebans accounted the king's hereditary
friends. With these answers, but not accepting one of the presents,
except what was a pledge of kindness and good-will, he returned. This
behavior of Pelopidas ruined the other ambassadors: the Athenians
condemned and executed their Timagoras, and, indeed, if they did it for
receiving so many presents from the king, their sentence was just and
good; as he not only took gold and silver, but a rich bed, and slaves to
make it, as if the Greeks were unskillful in that art; besides eighty
cows and herdsmen, professing he needed cow's milk for some distemper;
and, lastly, he was carried in a litter to the seaside, with a present of
four talents for his attendants. But the Athenians, perhaps, were not so
much irritated at his greediness for the presents. For Epicrates the
baggage-carrier not only confessed to the people that he had received
gifts from the king, but made a motion, that instead of nine archons,
they should yearly choose nine poor citizens to be sent ambassadors to
the king, and enriched by his presents, and the people only laughed at
the joke. But they were vexed that the Thebans obtained their desires,
never considering that Pelopidas's fame was more powerful than all their
rhetorical discourse, with a man who still inclined to the victorious in
arms. This embassy, having obtained the restitution of Messenia, and the
freedom of the other Greeks, got Pelopidas a great deal of good-will at
his return.

At this time, Alexander the Pheraean falling back to his old nature, and
having seized many of the Thessalian cities, and put garrisons upon the
Achaeans of Phthiotis, and the Magnesians, the cities, hearing that
Pelopidas was returned, sent an embassy to Thebes, requesting succors,
and him for their leader. The Thebans willingly granted their desire;
and now when all things were prepared, and the general beginning to
march, the sun was eclipsed, and darkness spread over the city at
noonday. Now when Pelopidas saw them startled at the prodigy, he did not
think it fit to force on men who were afraid and out of heart, nor to
hazard seven thousand of his citizens; and therefore with only three
hundred horse volunteers, set forward himself to Thessaly, much against
the will of the augurs and his fellow-citizens in general, who all
imagined this marked portent to have reference to this great man. But he
was heated against Alexander for the injuries he had received, and hoped
likewise, from the discourse which formerly he had with Thebe, that his
family by this time was divided and in disorder. But the glory of the
expedition chiefly excited him; for he was extremely desirous at this
time, when the Lacedaemonians were sending out military officers to
assist Dionysius the Sicilian tyrant, and the Athenians took Alexander's
pay, and honored him with a brazen statue as a benefactor, that the
Thebans should be seen, alone, of all the Greeks, undertaking the cause
of those who were oppressed by tyrants, and destroying the violent and
illegal forms of government in Greece.

When Pelopidas was come to Pharsalus, he formed an army, and presently
marched against Alexander; and Alexander understanding that Pelopidas had
few Thebans with him, and that his own infantry was double the number of
the Thessalians, faced him at Thetidium. Some one told Pelopidas, "The
tyrant meets us with a great army;" "So much the better," he replied,
"for then we shall overcome the more."  Between the two armies lay some
steep high hills about Cynoscephalae, which both parties endeavored to
take by their foot. Pelopidas commanded his horse, which were good and
many, to charge that of the enemies; they routed and pursued them through
the plain. But Alexander, meantime, took the hills, and charging the
Thessalian foot that came up later, and strove to climb the steep and
craggy ascent, killed the foremost, and the others, much distressed,
could do the enemies no harm. Pelopidas, observing this, sounded a
retreat to his horse, and gave orders that they should charge the enemies
that kept their ground; and he himself, taking his shield, quickly
joined those that fought about the hills, and, advancing to the front,
filled his men with such courage and alacrity, that the enemies imagined
they came with other spirits and other bodies to the onset. They stood
two or three charges, but finding these come on stoutly, and the horse,
also, returning from the pursuit, gave ground, and retreated in order.
Pelopidas now perceiving, from the rising ground, that the enemy's army
was, though not yet routed, full of disorder and confusion, stood and
looked about for Alexander; and when he saw him in the right wing,
encouraging and ordering his mercenaries, he could not moderate his
anger, but inflamed at the sight, and blindly following his passion,
regardless alike of his own life and his command, advanced far before his
soldiers, crying out and challenging the tyrant who did not dare to
receive him, but retreating, hid himself amongst his guard. The foremost
of the mercenaries that came hand to hand were driven back by Pelopidas,
and some killed; but many at a distance shot through his armor and
wounded him, till the Thessalians, in anxiety for the result, ran down
from the hill to his relief, but found him already slain. The horse came
up, also, and routed the phalanx, and, following the pursuit a great way,
filled the whole country with the slain, which were above three thousand.

No one can wonder that the Thebans then present, should show great grief
at the death of Pelopidas, calling him their father, deliverer, and
instructor in all that was good and commendable. But the Thessalians and
the allies out-doing in their public edicts all the just honors that
could be paid to human courage, gave, in their display of feeling, yet
stronger demonstrations of the kindness they had for him. It is stated,
that none of the soldiers, when they heard of his death, would put off
their armor, unbridle their horses, or dress their wounds, but, still hot
and with their arms on, ran to the corpse, and, as if he had been yet
alive and could see what they did, heaped up spoils about his body. They
cut off their horses' manes and their own hair, many kindled no fire in
their tents, took no supper, and silence and sadness was spread over all
the army; as if they had not gained the greatest and most glorious
victory, but were overcome by the tyrant, and enslaved. As soon as it
was known in the cities, the magistrates, youths, children, and priests,
came out to meet the body, and brought trophies, crowns, and suits of
golden armor; and, when he was to be interred, the elders of the
Thessalians came and begged the Thebans, that they might give the
funeral; and one of them said, "Friends, we ask a favor of you, that will
prove both an honor and comfort to us in this our great misfortune. The
Thessalians shall never again wait on the living Pelopidas, never give
honors, of which he can be sensible, but if we may have his body, adorn
his funeral, and inter him, we shall hope to show that we esteem his
death a greater loss to the Thessalians than to the Thebans. You have
lost only a good general, we both a general and our liberty. For how
shall we dare to desire from you another captain, since we cannot restore
Pelopidas?"

The Thebans granted their request, and there was never a more splendid
funeral in the opinion of those, who do not think the glory of such
solemnities consists only in gold, ivory, and purple; as Philistus did,
who extravagantly celebrates the funeral of Dionysius, in which his
tyranny concluded like the pompous exit of some great tragedy. Alexander
the Great, at the death of Hephaestion, not only cut off the manes of his
horses and his mules, but took down the battlements from the city walls,
that even the towns might seem mourners, and, instead of their former
beauteous appearance, look bald at his funeral. But such honors, being
commanded and forced from the mourners, attended with feelings of
jealousy towards those who received them, and of hatred towards those who
exacted them, were no testimonies of love and respect, but of the
barbaric pride, luxury, and insolence of those who lavished their wealth
in these vain and undesirable displays. But that a man of common rank,
dying in a strange country, neither his wife, children, nor kinsmen
present, none either asking or compelling it, should be attended, buried,
and crowned by so many cities that strove to exceed one another in the
demonstrations of their love, seems to be the sum and completion of happy
fortune. For the death of happy men is not, as Aesop observes, most
grievous, but most blessed, since it secures their felicity, and puts it
out of fortune's power. And that Spartan advised well, who, embracing
Diagoras, that had himself been crowned in the Olympic Games, and saw his
sons and grandchildren victors, said, "Die, Diagoras, for thou canst not
be a god."  And yet who would compare all the victories in the Pythian
and Olympian Games put together, with one of those enterprises of
Pelopidas, of which he successfully performed so many? Having spent his
life in brave and glorious actions, he died at last in the chief command,
for the thirteenth time, of the Boeotians, fighting bravely and in the
act of slaying a tyrant, in defense of the liberty of the Thessalians.

His death, as it brought grief, so likewise it produced advantage to the
allies; for the Thebans, as soon as they heard of his fall, delayed not
their revenge, but presently sent seven thousand foot and seven hundred
horse, under the command of Malcitas and Diogiton. And they, finding
Alexander weak and without forces, compelled him to restore the cities he
had taken, to withdraw his garrisons from the Magnesians and Achaeans of
Phthiotis, and swear to assist the Thebans against whatsoever enemies
they should require. This contented the Thebans, but punishment overtook
the tyrant for his wickedness, and the death of Pelopidas was revenged by
Heaven in the following manner. Pelopidas, as I have already mentioned,
had taught his wife Thebe not to fear the outward splendor and show of
the tyrant's defenses, since she was admitted within them. She, of
herself, too, dreaded his inconstancy, and hated his cruelty; and,
therefore, conspiring with her three brothers, Tisiphonus, Pytholaus, and
Lycophron, made the following attempt upon him. All the other apartments
were full of the tyrant's night guards, but their bed-chamber was an
upper room, and before the door lay a chained dog to guard it, which
would fly at all but the tyrant and his wife and one servant that fed
him. When Thebe, therefore, designed to kill her husband, she hid her
brothers all day in a room hard by, and she, going in alone, according to
her usual custom, to Alexander who was asleep already, in a little time
came out again, and commanded the servant to lead away the dog, for
Alexander wished to rest quietly. She covered the stairs with wool, that
the young men might make no noise as they came up; and then, bringing up
her brothers with their weapons, and leaving them at the chamber door,
she went in, and brought away the tyrant's sword that hung over his head
and showed it them for a confirmation that he was fast asleep. The young
men appearing fearful, and unwilling to do the murder, she chid them, and
angrily vowed she would wake Alexander, and discover the conspiracy; and
so, with a lamp in her hand, she conducted them in, they being both
ashamed and afraid, and brought them to the bed; when one of them caught
him by the feet, the other pulled him backward by the hair, and the third
ran him through. The death was more speedy, perhaps, than was fit; but,
in that he was the first tyrant that was killed by the contrivance of his
wife, and as his corpse was abused, thrown out, and trodden under foot by
the Pheraeans, he seems to have suffered what his villainies deserved.

MARCELLUS

They say that Marcus Claudius, who was five times consul of the Romans,
was the son of Marcus; and that he was the first of his family called
Marcellus; that is, martial, as Posidonius affirms. He was, indeed, by
long experience skillful in the art of war, of a strong body, valiant of
hand, and by natural inclination addicted to war. This high temper and
heat he showed conspicuously in battle; in other respects he was modest
and obliging, and so far studious of Greek learning and discipline, as to
honor and admire those that excelled in it, though he did not himself
attain a proficiency in them equal to his desire, by reason of his
employments. For if ever there were any men, whom, as Homer says,
Heaven,

From their first youth unto their utmost age
Appointed the laborious wars to wage,

certainly they were the chief Romans of that time; who in their youth had
war with the Carthaginians in Sicily, in their middle age with the Gauls
in the defense of Italy itself; and, at last, when now grown old,
struggled again with Hannibal and the Carthaginians, and wanted in their
latest years what is granted to most men, exemption from military toils;
their rank and their great qualities still making them be called upon to
undertake the command.

Marcellus, ignorant or unskillful of no kind of fighting, in single
combat surpassed himself; he never declined a challenge, and never
accepted without killing his challenger. In Sicily, he protected and
saved his brother Otacilius when surrounded in battle, and slew the
enemies that pressed upon him; for which act he was by the generals,
while he was yet but young, presented with crowns and other honorable
rewards; and, his good qualities more and more displaying themselves, he
was created Curule Aedile by the people, and by the high-priests Augur;
which is that priesthood to which chiefly the law assigns the observation
of auguries. In his aedileship, a certain mischance brought him to the
necessity of bringing an impeachment into the senate. He had a son named
Marcus, of great beauty, in the flower of his age, and no less admired
for the goodness of his character. This youth, Capitolinus, a bold and
ill-mannered man, Marcellus's colleague, sought to abuse. The boy at
first himself repelled him; but when the other again persecuted him, told
his father. Marcellus, highly indignant, accused the man in the senate,
where he, having appealed to the tribunes of the people, endeavored by
various shifts and exceptions to elude the impeachment; and, when the
tribunes refused their protection, by flat denial rejected the charge.
As there was no witness of the fact, the senate thought fit to call the
youth himself before them; on witnessing whose blushes and tears, and
shame mixed with the highest indignation, seeking no further evidence of
the crime, they condemned Capitolinus, and set a fine upon him; of the
money of which, Marcellus caused silver vessels for libation to be made,
which he dedicated to the gods.

After the end of the first Punic war, which lasted one and twenty years,
the seeds of Gallic tumults sprang up, and began again to trouble Rome.
The Insubrians, a people inhabiting the subalpine region of Italy, strong
in their own forces, raised from among the other Gauls aids of mercenary
soldiers, called Gaesatae. And it was a sort of miracle, and special
good fortune for Rome, that the Gallic war was not coincident with the
Punic, but that the Gauls had with fidelity stood quiet as spectators,
while the Punic war continued, as though they had been under engagements
to await and attack the victors, and now only were at liberty to come
forward. Still the position itself, and the ancient renown of the Gauls,
struck no little fear into the minds of the Romans, who were about to
undertake a war so near home and upon their own borders; and regarded the
Gauls, because they had once taken their city, with more apprehension
than any people, as is apparent from the enactment which from that time
forth provided, that the high-priests should enjoy an exemption from all
military duty, except only in Gallic insurrections.

The great preparations, also, made by the Romans for war, (for it is not
reported that the people of Rome ever had at one time so many legions in
arms, either before or since,) and their extraordinary sacrifices, were
plain arguments of their fear. For though they were most averse to
barbarous and cruel rites, and entertained more than any nation the same
pious and reverent sentiments of the gods with the Greeks; yet, when this
war was coming upon them, they then, from some prophecies in the Sibyls'
books, put alive under ground a pair of Greeks, one male, the other
female; and likewise two Gauls, one of each sex, in the market called the
beast-market: continuing even to this day to offer to these Greeks and
Gauls certain secret ceremonial observances in the month of November.

In the beginning of this war, in which the Romans sometimes obtained
remarkable victories, sometimes were shamefully beaten, nothing was done
toward the determination of the contest, until Flaminius and Furius,
being consuls, led large forces against the Insubrians. At the time of
their departure, the river that runs through the country of Picenum was
seen flowing with blood; there was a report, that three moons had been
seen at once at Ariminum; and, in the consular assembly, the augurs
declared, that the consuls had been unduly and inauspiciously created.
The senate, therefore, immediately sent letters to the camp, recalling
the consuls to Rome with all possible speed, and commanding them to
forbear from acting against the enemies, and to abdicate the consulship
on the first opportunity. These letters being brought to Flaminius, he
deferred to open them till, having defeated and put to flight the enemy's
forces, he wasted and ravaged their borders. The people, therefore, did
not go forth to meet him when he returned with huge spoils; nay, because
he had not instantly obeyed the command in the letters, by which he was
recalled, but slighted and contemned them, they were very near denying
him the honor of a triumph. Nor was the triumph sooner passed than they
deposed him, with his colleague, from the magistracy, and reduced them to
the state of private citizens. So much were all things at Rome made to
depend upon religion; they would not allow any contempt of the omens and
the ancient rites, even though attended with the highest success;
thinking it to be of more importance to the public safety, that the
magistrates should reverence the gods, than that they should overcome
their enemies. Thus Tiberius Sempronius, whom for his probity and virtue
the citizens highly esteemed, created Scipio Nasica and Caius Marcius,
consuls to succeed him: and when they were gone into their provinces,
lit upon books concerning the religious observances, where he found
something he had not known before; which was this. When the consul took
his auspices, he sat without the city in a house, or tent, hired for that
occasion; but, if it happened that he, for any urgent cause, returned
into the city, without having yet seen any certain signs, he was obliged
to leave that first building, or tent, and to seek another to repeat the
survey from. Tiberius, it appears, in ignorance of this, had twice used
the same building before announcing the new consuls. Now, understanding
his error, he referred the matter to the senate: nor did the senate
neglect this minute fault, but soon wrote expressly of it to Scipio
Nasica and Caius Marcius; who, leaving their provinces and without delay
returning to Rome, laid down their magistracy. This happened at a later
period. About the same time, too, the priesthood was taken away from two
men of very great honor, Cornelius Cethegus and Quintus Sulpicius: from
the former, because he had not rightly held out the entrails of a beast
slain for sacrifice; from the latter, because, while he was immolating,
the tufted cap which the Flamens wear had fallen from his head.
Minucius, the dictator, who had already named Caius Flaminius master of
the horse, they deposed from his command, because the squeak of a mouse
was heard, and put others into their places. And yet, notwithstanding,
by observing so anxiously these little niceties they did not run into any
superstition, because they never varied from nor exceeded the observances
of their ancestors.

So soon as Flaminius with his colleague had resigned the consulate,
Marcellus was declared consul by the presiding officers called
Interrexes; and, entering into the magistracy, chose Cnaeus Cornelius his
colleague. There was a report that, the Gauls proposing a pacification,
and the senate also inclining to peace, Marcellus inflamed the people to
war; but a peace appears to have been agreed upon, which the Gaesatae
broke; who, passing the Alps, stirred up the Insubrians, (they being
thirty thousand in number, and the Insubrians more numerous by far) and,
proud of their strength, marched directly to Acerrae, a city seated on
the north of the river Po. From thence Britomartus, king of the
Gaesatae, taking with him ten thousand soldiers, harassed the country
round about. News of which being brought to Marcellus, leaving his
colleague at Acerrae with the foot and all the heavy arms and a third
part of the horse, and carrying with him the rest of the horse and six
hundred light armed foot, marching night and day without remission, he
staid not till he came up to these ten thousand near a Gaulish village
called Clastidium, which not long before had been reduced under the Roman
jurisdiction. Nor had he time to refresh his soldiers, or to give them
rest. For the barbarians, that were then present, immediately observed
his approach, and contemned him, because he had very few foot with him.
The Gauls were singularly skillful in horsemanship, and thought to excel
in it; and as at present they also exceeded Marcellus in number, they
made no account of him. They, therefore, with their king at their head,
instantly charged upon him, as if they would trample him under their
horses' feet, threatening all kind of cruelties. Marcellus, because his
men were few, that they might not be encompassed and charged on all sides
by the enemy, extended his wings of horse, and, riding about, drew out
his wings of foot in length, till he came near to the enemy. Just as he
was in the act of turning round to face the enemy, it so happened that
his horse, startled with their fierce look and their cries, gave back,
and carried him forcibly aside. Fearing lest this accident, if converted
into an omen, might discourage his soldiers, he quickly brought his horse
round to confront the enemy, and made a gesture of adoration to the sun,
as if he had wheeled about not by chance, but for a purpose of devotion.
For it was customary to the Romans, when they offered worship to the
gods, to turn round; and in this moment of meeting the enemy, he is said
to have vowed the best of the arms to Jupiter Feretrius.

The king of the Gauls beholding Marcellus, and from the badges of his
authority conjecturing him to be the general, advanced some way before
his embattled army, and with a loud voice challenged him, and,
brandishing his lance, fiercely ran in full career at him; exceeding the
rest of the Gauls in stature, and with his armor, that was adorned with
gold and silver and various colors, shining like lightning. These arms
seeming to Marcellus, while he viewed the enemy's army drawn up in
battalia, to be the best and fairest, and thinking them to be those he
had vowed to Jupiter, he instantly ran upon the king, and pierced through
his breastplate with his lance; then pressing upon him with the weight of
his horse, threw him to the ground, and with two or three strokes more,
slew him. Immediately he leapt from his horse, laid his hand upon the
dead king's arms, and, looking up toward Heaven, thus spoke: "O Jupiter
Feretrius, arbiter of the exploits of captains, and of the acts of
commanders in war and battles, be thou witness that I, a general, have
slain a general; I, a consul, have slain a king with my own hand, third
of all the Romans; and that to thee I consecrate these first and most
excellent of the spoils. Grant to us to dispatch the relics of the war,
with the same course of fortune."  Then the Roman horse joining battle
not only with the enemy's horse, but also with the foot who attacked
them, obtained a singular and unheard of victory. For never before or
since have so few horse defeated such numerous forces of horse and foot
together. The enemies being to a great number slain, and the spoils
collected, he returned to his colleague, who was conducting the war, with
ill success, against the enemies near the greatest and most populous of
the Gallic cities, Milan. This was their capital, and, therefore,
fighting valiantly in defense of it, they were not so much besieged by
Cornelius, as they besieged him. But Marcellus having returned, and the
Gaesatae retiring as soon as they were certified of the death of the king
and the defeat of his army, Milan was taken. The rest of their towns,
and all they had, the Gauls delivered up of their own accord to the
Romans, and had peace upon equitable conditions granted to them.

Marcellus alone, by a decree of the senate, triumphed. The triumph was in
magnificence, opulence, spoils, and the gigantic bodies of the captives,
most remarkable. But the most grateful and most rare spectacle of all
was the general himself, carrying the arms of the barbarian king to the
god to whom he had vowed them. He had taken a tall and straight stock of
an oak, and had lopped and formed it to a trophy. Upon this he fastened
and hung round about the arms of the king, arranging all the pieces in
their suitable places. The procession advancing solemnly, he, carrying
this trophy, ascended the chariot; and thus, himself the fairest and most
glorious triumphant image, was conveyed into the city. The army adorned
with shining armor followed in order, and with verses composed for the
occasion and with songs of victory celebrated the praises of Jupiter and
of their general. Then entering the temple of Jupiter Feretrius, he
dedicated his gift; the third, and to our memory the last, that ever did
so. The first was Romulus, after having slain Acron, king of the
Caeninenses: the second, Cornelius Cossus, who slew Tolumnius the
Etruscan: after them Marcellus, having killed Britomartus king of the
Gauls; after Marcellus, no man. The god to whom these spoils were
consecrated is called Jupiter Feretrius, from the trophy carried on the
feretrum, one of the Greek words which at that time still existed in
great numbers in Latin: or, as others say, it is the surname of the
Thundering Jupiter, derived from ferire, to strike. Others there are who
would have the name to be deduced from the strokes that are given in
fight; since even now in battles, when they press upon their enemies,
they constantly call out to each other, strike, in Latin, feri. Spoils
in general they call Spolia, and these in particular Opima; though,
indeed, they say that Numa Pompilius in his commentaries, makes mention
of first, second, and third Spolia Opima; and that he prescribes that the
first taken be consecrated to Jupiter Feretrius, the second to Mars, the
third to Quirinus; as also that the reward of the first be three hundred
asses; of the second, two hundred; of the third, one hundred. The
general account, however, prevails, that those spoils only are Opima,
which the general first takes in set battle, and takes from the enemy's
chief captain whom he has slain with his own hand. But of this enough.
The victory and the ending of the war was so welcome to the people of
Rome, that they sent to Apollo of Delphi, in testimony of their
gratitude, a present of a golden cup of a hundred pound weight, and gave
a great part of the spoil to their associate cities, and took care that
many presents should be sent also to Hiero, king of the Syracusans, their
friend and ally.

When Hannibal invaded Italy, Marcellus was dispatched with a fleet into
Sicily. And when the army had been defeated at Cannae, and many
thousands of them perished, and few had saved themselves by flying to
Canusium, and all feared lest Hannibal, who had destroyed the strength of
the Roman army, should advance at once with his victorious troops to
Rome, Marcellus first sent for the protection of the city fifteen hundred
solders, from the fleet. Then, by decree of the senate, going to
Canusium, having heard that many of the soldiers had come together in
that place, he led them out of the fortifications to prevent the enemy
from ravaging the country. The chief Roman commanders had most of them
fallen in battles; and the citizens complained, that the extreme caution
of Fabius Maximus, whose integrity and wisdom gave him the highest
authority, verged upon timidity and inaction. They confided in him to
keep them out of danger, but could not expect that he would enable them
to retaliate. Fixing, therefore, their thoughts upon Marcellus, and
hoping to combine his boldness, confidence, and promptitude with Fabius's
caution and prudence, and to temper the one by the other, they sent,
sometimes both with consular command, sometimes one as consul, the other
as proconsul, against the enemy. Posidonius writes, that Fabius was
called the buckler, Marcellus the sword of Rome. Certainly, Hannibal
himself confessed that he feared Fabius as a schoolmaster, Marcellus as
an adversary: the former, lest he should be hindered from doing
mischief; the latter, lest he should receive harm himself.

And first, when among Hannibal's soldiers, proud of their victory,
carelessness and boldness had grown to a great height, Marcellus,
attacking all their stragglers and plundering parties, cut them off, and
by little and little diminished their forces. Then carrying aid to the
Neapolitans and Nolans, he confirmed the minds of the former, who,
indeed, were of their own accord faithful enough to the Romans; but in
Nola he found a state of discord, the senate not being able to rule and
keep in the common people, who were generally favorers of Hannibal.
There was in the town one Bantius, a man renowned for his high birth and
courage. This man, after he had fought most fiercely at Cannae, and had
killed many of the enemies, at last was found lying in a heap of dead
bodies, covered with darts, and was brought to Hannibal, who so honored
him, that he not only dismissed him without ransom, but also contracted
friendship with him, and made him his guest. In gratitude for this great
favor, he became one of the strongest of the partisans of Hannibal, and
urged the people to revolt. Marcellus could not be induced to put to
death a man of such eminence, and who had endured such dangers in
fighting on the Roman side; but, knowing himself able, by the general
kindliness of his disposition and in particular by the attractiveness of
his address, to gain over a character whose passion was for honor, one
day when Bantius saluted him, he asked him who he was; not that he knew
him not before, but seeking an occasion of further conference. When
Bantius had told who he was, Marcellus, seeming surprised with joy and
wonder, replied: "Are you that Bantius, whom the Romans commend above
the rest that fought at Cannae, and praise as the one man that not only
did not forsake the consul Paulus Aemilius, but received in his own body
many darts thrown at him?"  Bantius owning himself to be that very man,
and showing his scars: "Why then," said Marcellus, "did not you, having
such proofs to show of your affection to us, come to me at my first
arrival here? Do you think that we are unwilling to requite with favor
those who have well deserved, and who are honored even by our enemies?"
He followed up his courtesies by a present of a war-horse, and five
hundred drachmas in money. From that time Bantius became the most
faithful assistant and ally of Marcellus, and a most keen discoverer of
those that attempted innovation and sedition.

These were many, and had entered into a conspiracy to plunder the baggage
of the Romans, when they should make an irruption against the enemy.
Marcellus, therefore, having marshaled his army within the city, placed
the baggage near to the gates, and, by an edict, forbade the Nolans to go
to the walls. Thus, outside the city, no arms could be seen; by which
prudent device he allured Hannibal to move with his army in some disorder
to the city, thinking that things were in a tumult there. Then
Marcellus, the nearest gate being, as he had commanded, thrown open,
issuing forth with the flower of his horse in front, charged the enemy.
By and by the foot, sallying out of another gate, with a loud shout
joined in the battle. And while Hannibal opposes part of his forces to
these, the third gate also is opened, out of which the rest break forth,
and on all quarters fall upon the enemies, who were dismayed at this
unexpected encounter, and did but feebly resist those with whom they had
been first engaged, because of their attack by these others that sallied
out later. Here Hannibal's soldiers, with much bloodshed and many
wounds, were beaten back to their camp, and for the first time turned
their backs to the Romans. There fell in this action, as it is related,
more than five thousand of them; of the Romans, not above five hundred.
Livy does not affirm, that either the victory, or the slaughter of the
enemy was so great; but certain it is, that the adventure brought great
glory to Marcellus, and to the Romans, after their calamities, a great
revival of confidence, as they began now to entertain a hope, that the
enemy with whom they contended was not invincible, but liable like
themselves to defeats.

Therefore, the other consul being deceased, the people recalled
Marcellus, that they might put him into his place; and, in spite of the
magistrates, succeeded in postponing the election till his arrival, when
he was by all the suffrages created consul. But because it happened to
thunder, the augurs accounting that he was not legitimately created, and
yet not daring, for fear of the people, to declare their sentence openly,
Marcellus voluntarily resigned the consulate, retaining however his
command. Being created proconsul, and returning to the camp at Nola, he
proceeded to harass those that followed the party of the Carthaginian; on
whose coming with speed to succor them, Marcellus declined a challenge to
a set battle, but when Hannibal had sent out a party to plunder, and now
expected no fight, he broke out upon him with his army. He had
distributed to the foot long lances, such as are commonly used in naval
fights; and instructed them to throw them with great force at convenient
distance against the enemies who were inexperienced in that way of
darting, and used to fight with short darts hand to hand. This seems to
have been the cause of the total rout and open flight of all the
Carthaginians who were then engaged: there fell of them five thousand;
four elephants were killed, and two taken; but, what was of greatest
moment, on the third day after, more than three hundred horse, Spaniards
and Numidians mixed, deserted to him, a disaster that had never to that
day happened to Hannibal, who had long kept together in harmony an army
of barbarians, collected out of many various and discordant nations.
Marcellus and his successors in all this war made good use of the
faithful service of these horsemen.

He now was a third time created consul, and sailed over into Sicily. For
the success of Hannibal had excited the Carthaginians to lay claim to
that whole island; chiefly because after the murder of the tyrant
Hieronymus, all things had been in tumult and confusion at Syracuse. For
which reason the Romans also had sent before to that city a force under
the conduct of Appius, as praetor. While Marcellus was receiving that
army, a number of Roman soldiers cast themselves at his feet, upon
occasion of the following calamity. Of those that survived the battle at
Cannae, some had escaped by flight, and some were taken alive by the
enemy; so great a multitude, that it was thought there were not remaining
Romans enough to defend the walls of the city. And yet the magnanimity
and constancy of the city was such, that it would not redeem the captives
from Hannibal, though it might have done so for a small ransom; a decree
of the senate forbade it, and chose rather to leave them to be killed by
the enemy, or sold out of Italy; and commanded that all who had saved
themselves by flight should be transported into Sicily, and not permitted
to return into Italy, until the war with Hannibal should be ended.
These, therefore, when Marcellus was arrived in Sicily, addressed
themselves to him in great numbers; and casting themselves at his feet,
with much lamentation and tears humbly besought him to admit them to
honorable service; and promised to make it appear by their future
fidelity and exertions, that that defeat had been received rather by
misfortune than by cowardice. Marcellus, pitying them, petitioned the
senate by letters, that he might have leave at all times to recruit his
legions out of them. After much debate about the thing, the senate
decreed they were of opinion that the commonwealth did not require the
service of cowardly soldiers; if Marcellus perhaps thought otherwise, he
might make use of them, provided no one of them be honored on any
occasion with a crown or military gift, as a reward of his virtue or
courage. This decree stung Marcellus; and on his return to Rome, after
the Sicilian war was ended, he upbraided the senate, that they had denied
to him, who had so highly deserved of the republic, liberty to relieve so
great a number of citizens in great calamity.

At this time Marcellus, first incensed by injures done him by
Hippocrates, commander of the Syracusans, (who, to give proof of his good
affection to the Carthaginians, and to acquire the tyranny to himself,
had killed a number of Romans at Leontini,) besieged and took by force
the city of Leontini; yet violated none of the townsmen; only deserters,
as many as he took, he subjected to the punishment of the rods and axe.
But Hippocrates, sending a report to Syracuse, that Marcellus had put all
the adult population to the sword, and then coming upon the Syracusans,
who had risen in tumult upon that false report, made himself master of
the city. Upon this Marcellus moved with his whole army to Syracuse,
and, encamping near the wall, sent ambassadors into the city to relate to
the Syracusans the truth of what had been done in Leontini. When these
could not prevail by treaty, the whole power being now in the hands of
Hippocrates, he proceeded to attack the city both by land and by sea. The
land forces were conducted by Appius Marcellus, with sixty galleys, each
with five rows of oars, furnished with all sorts of arms and missiles,
and a huge bridge of planks laid upon eight ships chained together, upon
which was carried the engine to cast stones and darts, assaulted the
walls, relying on the abundance and magnificence of his preparations, and
on his own previous glory; all which, however, were, it would seem, but
trifles for Archimedes and his machines.

These machines he had designed and contrived, not as matters of any
importance, but as mere amusements in geometry; in compliance with king
Hiero's desire and request, some little time before, that he should
reduce to practice some part of his admirable speculations in science,
and by accommodating the theoretic truth to sensation and ordinary use,
bring it more within the appreciation of people in general. Eudoxus and
Archytas had been the first originators of this far-famed and highly
prized art of mechanics, which they employed as an elegant illustration
of geometrical truths, and as a means of sustaining experimentally, to
the satisfaction of the senses, conclusions too intricate for proof by
words and diagrams. As, for example, to solve the problem, so often
required in constructing geometrical figures, given the two extreme, to
find the two mean lines of a proportion, both these mathematicians had
recourse to the aid of instruments, adapting to their purpose certain
curves and sections of lines. But what with Plato's indignation at it,
and his invectives against it as the mere corruption and annihilation of
the one good of geometry, -- which was thus shamefully turning its back
upon the unembodied objects of pure intelligence to recur to sensation,
and to ask help (not to be obtained without base subservience and
depravation) from matter; so it was that mechanics came to be separated
from geometry, and, repudiated and neglected by philosophers, took its
place as a military art. Archimedes, however, in writing to king Hiero,
whose friend and near relation he was, had stated, that given the force,
any given weight might be moved, and even boasted, we are told, relying
on the strength of demonstration, that if there were another earth, by
going into it he could remove this. Hiero being struck with amazement at
this, and entreating him to make good this problem by actual experiment,
and show some great weight moved by a small engine, he fixed accordingly
upon a ship of burden out of the king's arsenal, which could not be drawn
out of the dock without great labor and many men; and, loading her with
many passengers and a full freight, sitting himself the while far off,
with no great endeavor, but only holding the head of the pulley in his
hand and drawing the cord by degrees, he drew the ship in a straight
line, as smoothly and evenly, as if she had been in the sea. The king,
astonished at this, and convinced of the power of the art, prevailed upon
Archimedes to make him engines accommodated to all the purposes,
offensive and defensive, of a siege. These the king